Appointment of cabinet ministers with criminal past must be left to the wisdom of PM: Supreme Court.
An
apex Court bench comprising of Chief Justice R.M. Lodha, Justice Dipak
Misra, Justice Madan B. Lokur, Justice S.A. Bobde and Justice Kurian
Joseph delivered a land mark judgment on Wednesday, observing that the
Prime Minister’s power to choose members of his cabinet cannot be
restricted. It has left it to the wisdom of the PM and CMs not to
recommend such names to the President and Governor.
Drawing
a line between executive discretion and judicial review, the verdict
laid down the constitutional trust held by the office of the Prime
Minister and said “.. it can always be legitimately expected… the
Prime Minister, while living up to the trust reposed in him, would
consider not choosing a person with criminal antecedents against whom
charges have been framed for heinous or serious criminal offences or
charges of corruption to become a minister of the council of ministers.
This is what the Constitution suggests and that is the constitutional
expectation from the Prime Minister. Rest has to be left to the wisdom
of the Prime Minister. We say nothing more, nothing less.”
The writ petition under Article 32 of the Constitution of India was filed by the petitioner, Manoj Narula, as pro bono public
assailing the appointment of some of the original respondents as
Ministers to the Council of Ministers of Union of India despite their
involvement in serious and heinous crimes.
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The
Court interpreted the scope and purpose of Articles 75 and 164 of the
Constitution of India regard being had to the text, context, scheme and
spirit of the Constitution.
Criminalisation
of politics was discussed as being an anathema to the sacredness of
democracy. Commenting on criminalization of politics, the Bench noted
the Court’s observation in the case of Dinesh Trivedi, M.P. and others v. Union of India and others, where
the faults and imperfections which have impeded the country in reaching
the expectations which heralded its conception, were lamented.
The Bench asserted, “It
is worth saying that systemic corruption and sponsored criminalization
can corrode the fundamental core of elective democracy and,
consequently, the constitutional governance.”
In
this context, there are recommendations given by different committees
constituted by various Governments for electoral reforms.
Justice
J.S. Verma Committee Report on Amendments to Criminal Law has proposed
insertion of Schedule 1 to the 1951 Act enumerating offences under IPC
befitting the category of ‘heinous’ offences. It recommended that a
provision should be engrafted that a person in respect of whose acts or
omissions a court of competent jurisdiction has taken cognizance under
Section 190(1) (a), (b) or (c) of the Code of Criminal Procedure or who
has been convicted by a court of competent jurisdiction with respect to
the offences specified in the proposed expanded list of offences under
Section 8(1) shall be disqualified from the date of taking cognizance or
conviction, as the case may be. It further proposed that
disqualification in case of conviction shall continue for a further
period of six years from the date of release upon conviction and in case
of acquittal, the disqualification shall operate from the date of
taking cognizance till the date of acquittal.
Even
the Law Commission, in its 244th Report, 2014, has suggested amendment
to the 1951 Act by insertion of Section 8B after Section 8A, after
having numerous consultations and discussions, with the avowed purpose
to prevent criminalization of politics. It proposes to provide for
electoral reforms.
Article 84 of the
Constitution provides for qualifications for membership of Parliament.
Article 102 provides for disqualifications for membership. Similarly,
Article 173 provides for qualification for membership of the State
Legislature and Article 191 enumerates the disqualifications similar to
Article 102.
The Parliament by the
1951 Act has prescribed further qualifications and disqualifications to
become a Member of Parliament or to become a member of Legislative
Assembly. Section 8 of the Act stipulates the disqualification on
conviction for certain offences.
The
scheme of disqualification upon conviction laid down by the 1951 Act
clearly upholds the principle that a person who has been convicted for
certain categories of criminal activities is unfit to be a
representative of the people. Criminal activities that result in
disqualification are related to various spheres pertaining to the
interest of the nation, common citizenry interest, communal harmony, and
prevalence of good governance.
The Court also considered the “Doctrine of Implied Limitation” with
regard to the question that whether taking recourse to this principle
of interpretation, this Court can read a categorical prohibition to the
words contained in Article 75(1) of the Constitution so that the Prime
Minister is constitutionally prohibited to give advice to the President
in respect of a person for becoming a Minister of the Council of
Ministers who is facing a criminal trial for a heinous and serious
offence and charges have been framed against him by the trial Judge.
The
Court was of the opinion that this would come within the criterion of
eligibility and would amount to prescribing an eligibility qualification
and adding a disqualification which has not been stipulated in the
Constitution. Hence, in the absence of any constitutional prohibition
or statutory embargo, such disqualification, in our considered opinion,
cannot be read into Article 75(1) or Article 164(1) of the Constitution.
With respect to the “Principle of Constitutional Silence or Abeyance”, the
bench recognised the question to be posed here being whether taking
recourse to this doctrine for the purpose of advancing constitutional
culture, can a court read a disqualification to the already expressed
disqualifications provided under the Constitution and the 1951 Act. The
answer was the inevitable negative, for there are express provisions
stating the disqualifications and second, it would tantamount to
crossing the boundaries of judicial review.
Next to be considered was the “Doctrine of Constitutional implications”. The
Court observed that it was not possible to accept the submission that
while interpreting the words “advice of the Prime Minister” it can
legitimately be inferred that there is a prohibition to think of a
person as a Minister if charges have been framed against him in respect
of heinous and serious offences including corruption cases under the
criminal law.
Besides, the bench also discussed the concept of Constitutional morality, good governance and Constitutional trust.
The
use of the words “on the advice of the Prime Minister”, as per the
Court, could not be allowed to operate in a vacuum to lose their
significance. It asserted, “There
can be no scintilla of doubt that the Prime Minister’s advice is
binding on the President for the appointment of a person as a Minister
to the Council of Ministers unless the said person is disqualified under
the Constitution to contest the election or under the 1951 Act, as has
been held in B.R. Kapur’s case. That is in the realm of
disqualification.”
Two
substantive reliefs were claimed in the writ petition. The first relief
is for a declaration that the appointment of the Respondents as
Ministers in the Government of India is unconstitutional.
The
second substantive relief was for the framing of possible guidelines
for the appointment of a Minister in the Central or State Government.
With regard to the second relief, the Court observed,
“As far as this substantive relief is concerned, it is entirely for the
appropriate Legislature to decide whether guidelines are necessary, as
prayed for, and the frame of such guidelines. No direction is required
to be given on this subject.”.
Justice
Madan B. Lokur expressed his views on the contentions raised and
appreciated the Parliament for making a distinction between an accused
person and a convict.
He concluded,
(i)
To become a legislator and to continue as a legislator, a person should
not suffer any of the disqualifications mentioned in Section 8 of the
Representation of the People Act, 1951;
(ii)
There does seem to be a gap in Section 8 of the Representation of the
People Act, 1951 inasmuch as a person convicted of a heinous or a
serious offence but awarded a sentence of less than two years
imprisonment may still be eligible for being elected as a Member of
Parliament;
(iii)
While a debate is necessary for bringing about a suitable legislation
disqualifying a person from becoming a legislator, there are various
factors that need to be taken into consideration;
(iv) That there is some degree of criminalization of politics is quite evident;
(v)
It is not for this Court to lay down any guidelines relating to who
should or should not be entitled to become a legislator or who should or
should not be appointed a Minister in the Central Government.
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