It’s time to amend law on contempt of court
The present law of contempt of court in
India is a hangover of the original law on this subject in England. This
originated from an undelivered judgment of J Wilmot in 1765, where the
judge said the power of contempt of court was necessary to maintain the
dignity and majesty of judges and vindicate their authority.
But whence comes this dignity and
authority of judges? In England, in feudal times, it came from the king,
who was the fountain of justice, and would often decide cases himself.
Later, when he had many other duties, he delegated judicial functions to
his delegates, who were called judges. Thus, in a monarchy, the judge
really exercises the delegated function of the king, and for this he
requires the dignity, authority and majesty which a king must have, to
secure obedience.
In feudal times, the king was supreme,
and the people were his subjects. They could not criticize him, and such
criticism was punishable.
In a democracy, however, this
relationship is reversed. Now it is the people who are supreme (see
Rousseau’s ‘Social Contract’), and all state authorities, including
judges, are nothing but their servants.
Hence in a democracy there is no need for
judges to vindicate their authority or display pomp and majesty. Their
authority comes not from fear of contempt but from the public
confidence, and this in turn depends on their own conduct, integrity,
impartiality, and learning.
This view is accepted now even in
England. As observed by Lord Salmon in AG vs Bbb (1981) A.C. 303, “The
description contempt of court no doubt has a historical basis, but it is
nevertheless misleading. Its object is not to protect the dignity of
the court, but to protect the administration of justice”.
“Justice is not a cloistered virtue,” said Lord Atkin. “It must suffer the scrutiny and outspoken comments of ordinary men”.
In R. Vs. Commr. of Police (1968) 2 QB
150 Lord Denning observed, “Let me say at once that we will never use
this jurisdiction to uphold our own dignity. That must rest on surer
foundations. Nor will we use it to suppress those who speak against us.
We do not fear criticism, nor do we resent it. For there is something
far more important at stake. It is no less than freedom of speech
itself…All that we ask is that those who criticize us should remember
that, from the nature of our duties, we cannot reply to their criticism.
We cannot enter into public controversy. We must rely on our conduct
itself to be its own vindication”.
Sometimes an upright judge is
unjustifiably criticized. The best course of action for such a judge is
to ignore baseless criticism (but pay heed to honest and correct
criticism). He should have broad enough shoulders to shrug off baseless
comments without getting perturbed or influenced.
Once a British newspaper ran a banner
headline calling the majority judges of the House of Lords who decided
the Spycatcher case ( Attorney General vs. Guardian Newspaper, 1987 3
AllE.R.316) “YOU FOOLS”. Fali Nariman, who was present in England at
that time, asked Lord Templeman, who was one of the majority, why the
Judges did not take contempt action. Lord Templeman smiled, and said
that judges in England took no notice of personal insults. Although he
did not regard himself as a fool, others were entitled to their opinion.
In Balogh vs Crown Court at Albon (1975)
AC 373, the defendant told the Judge “You are a humourless automaton.
Why don’t you self destruct?”. The judge smiled, but took no action.
Now coming to the law of contempt in India, we find it is uncertain. Nariman described it in a speech as ‘Dog’s Law’.
He quoted Bentham, who said that when a
dog does something nasty we beat him for it. Similarly, the laws in
England become known only when someone is punished by the courts. The
same is true about the law of contempt in India, and thus it is a
standing threat to freedom of speech.
To illustrate, in Duda’s case AIR 1988 SC
1208, a Union Cabinet minister said that the Supreme Court sympathized
with zamindars and bank magnates.
He further said, “FERA violators, bride
burners, and a whole horde of reactionaries have found their haven in
the Supreme Court” and that Supreme Court judges have “unconcealed
sympathy for the haves”. No action was taken against him. Nariman asked
whether if such a comment had been made by an ordinary man the court
would have taken no action.
Moreover, in an earlier decision, in the
case of Namboodiripad (former CM of Kerala), who accused Supreme Court
judges of being biased in favour of the rich, (an allegation similar to
that of the Union minister in Duda’s case) the court convicted
Namboodiripad for contempt (AIR 1770 2015). Where is the certainty or
consistency in the law ?
We have two provisions in our
Constitution, Article 19(1)(a) which gives citizens freedom of speech,
and Articles 129 and 215 which give the Supreme Court and High Court the
power of contempt. How are these provisions to be reconciled. In my
opinion, since Article 19(1)(a) is the right of the people who are
supreme in a democracy, while Articles 129 and 215 are powers of judges,
who are servants of the people, the reconciliation can only be done by
holding that freedom of speech is primary, while the contempt power is
only secondary.
It follows that the contempt power cannot
be exercised because people are criticizing a judge. It can only be
exercised if someone makes the functioning of the judge impossible eg if
while a judge is hearing a case someone jumps on to the dias and tries
to run away with the court file, or if he attacks or threatens a
witness.
If someone calls a judge a fool inside
the courtroom and goes away, in my opinion it is not contempt, for he
has not stopped the functioning of the court.
But if he keeps shouting in court the
whole day, and despite warning does not stop, he is obviously not
letting the court function, and this would be contempt. After all
disputes in society have to be adjudicated, and judges must decide cases
to justify payment of salaries to them.
I submit that the time has come now for
Parliament, the judiciary and others concerned to take a fresh look at
the law of contempt of court in the light of what I have said above, and
bring about necessary amendments.
DISCLAIMER : Views expressed above are the author’s own.
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